Internal migration is among the issues that people and decision-makers tend to place low on their list of priorities or fail to take seriously. Broadly, it means migration within a country’s borders. It takes four forms: rural-to-rural, rural-to-urban, urban-to-rural, and urban-to-urban. Many factors can drive it: education, work opportunities, even marriage, alongside climate-related problems, natural disasters, and economic hardship. Türkiye has experienced substantial internal migration since its founding, particularly during its industrial expansion. Little has fundamentally changed since the days depicted comically in Kemal Sunal films, when it was commonly described as “migration from village to city.” In many provinces, people still move from villages to nearby district towns, from those towns to provincial centers, and from there to metropolitan areas. Speak to someone in a village in Çanakkale’s Ayvacık district, for example, and you will find that, if able, they have bought or want to buy a home in nearby Küçükkuyu or Ayvacık. Ayvacık residents seek homes in Çanakkale. Among those living in central Çanakkale, many probably have at least one family member living in Istanbul, Ankara, or another major city for various reasons.
Many may say, “What is wrong with that?” But the issue is not so straightforward. Emptying villages and the harm to agricultural production come first to mind, yet uncontrolled internal migration has serious economic, sociological, and political effects. As I will briefly explain, Iran is almost a laboratory for this. Society quickly recognizes immigration from abroad through ethnic, linguistic, religious, and sociological differences, often reacting negatively through feelings of belonging. The debate generally concerns overcrowded cities, rising rents, strained infrastructure, exceeded capacity, and growing unemployment. These concerns are indeed valid: immigration has substantial effects. But internal migration has similar effects and must not be forgotten.
Internal migration is generally viewed as a simple “relocation.” A citizen may move anywhere within their country. At the individual level, that seems clear and straightforward; at the macro level, it is far from “simple.” Its first visible consequence is the growth of deprived urban settlements. This is a serious problem in Türkiye and reveals the painful reality behind construction companies’ enormous profits. Put plainly, a couple of contractors did not single-handedly tear Istanbul apart. The city has experienced decades of uncontrolled, deprived urban growth, creating demand for housing that someone will inevitably supply. Corruption and illegality during that process are separate matters. The underlying issue is meeting demand.
Overcrowded, increasingly deprived cities face inadequate infrastructure, public-order problems, unemployment, and more. Without knowing how many people live where, municipalities struggle to plan water provision, sewage, and transport. Problems arise everywhere, from garbage collection to finding a bus to board. This is the situation in many provinces, particularly Istanbul. People are crammed together on public transport and main streets, while municipalities must work hard to provide services and secure resources. Unemployment becomes a major problem; public order deteriorates rapidly. Fraud and other difficulties emerge, alongside environmental problems—not to mention noise and light pollution.
The wealthy either create alternative places to live, such as Istanbul’s Göktürk, or leave the country altogether. A domino effect operates from bottom to top, each arriving group pushing existing residents elsewhere. Emigration is directly connected. Everyone wants somewhere more “livable”: a city with low unemployment, safety, good education, strong infrastructure, and easier transport. Even a house cat moves away from a place where it feels uncomfortable, so this human search is understandable. Internal migration should therefore not be regarded simply as a citizen moving wherever they want within their country. It is the first domino in a long chain reaction.
Iran, like Türkiye, faces internal migration problems, but on a more serious scale. The urban share of its population had reached 74 percent by the 2016 census. It may be much higher today, given the numerous episodes of unrest, climate-related disasters, and other developments since then. Water provision is difficult in many places. Provinces experience outages, worsening public order, and soaring unemployment, while some impoverished people turn to smuggling, drugs, prostitution, and fraud to survive. Attributing all these problems solely to Western sanctions would be a mistake. Iran has many internal difficulties. Climate-driven dust storms, droughts, and floods, alongside air pollution, access to quality education, and other issues, have devastated local economies and emptied rural areas. People in smaller cities seek “a better life” in Tehran, Tabriz, Mashhad, or Isfahan, where serious urban deprivation develops. Reading the public response to Mahsa Amini’s death simply as “a reaction to the death of a girl who did not want to wear a hijab” may not be wrong, but is profoundly incomplete. People’s underlying problems are those described above. Even boarding Tehran’s metro has become almost impossible because of overcrowding. Transport, drinking water, and many other services face serious difficulties, for which people blame political authority. Yet the fundamental issue is unmanaged internal migration rather than the political system itself.
Wealthy families in overcrowded Tehran created alternative living areas in the city’s north. As deprivation and uncontrolled growth worsened, new settlements began appearing in the northern provinces of Mazandaran and Gilan, famed for their natural beauty. This has caused substantial environmental destruction, much like developments on Türkiye’s Aegean coast. Migration from Iran to Türkiye must also be viewed in this light. As urban deprivation makes cities unlivable, metropolitan areas abroad appear more attractive. Naturally, however, this also makes other major world cities unlivable.
In conclusion, major disasters such as earthquakes, the concentration of jobs in big cities, and increasingly visible climate problems have driven internal migration in Türkiye for decades. It affects the country at least as much as refugees arriving from abroad and becomes the initial cause of major problems. Unless decision-makers and the public prioritize it, they will be left struggling with the other dominoes it topples and endlessly addressing its consequences. This will bring unrest and chaos. Internal migration must therefore be treated as a real national security issue, with humane solutions devised and implemented.
This article was first published by KAF | Cultural Research and Activities (KAF) on February 16, 2023.
Link: https://www.kaf.org.tr/tr/calis-malar/pers-pektif/turkiyenin-ic-goc-meselesi-hakkinda-oral-toga